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a lo largo de la II República –14 de abril de 1931 - 1 de abril de 1939– (Balcells, 1971). Todos estos
elementos, en cierto modo, condicionaban la vida cotidiana de la población catalana y tuvieron algo
que ver en la configuración y las mentalidades de un deporte de raíz popular (Pujadas y Santacana,
1992b; Torrebadella-Flix, 2011).
En este contexto se revelaba un auge del movimiento asociativo juvenil. Con la llegada del régimen
democrático, una parte significativa de la juventud se ve más inclinada a la participación política
(González Calleja y Souto Kustrín, 2007). Pero, también, se visibiliza otra juventud más despreocu-
pada e inmersa en su trabajo y en la práctica de actividades de ocio, que desea escabullirse de las
pesadillas del momento; todo ello se mezclaba con la irrupción del deporte de masas y popular de
los años treinta (Simón, 2012).
En la particularidad de la escena catalana, la confluencia de parámetros culturales vinculados a la
modernidad, democratización, vanguardismo, catalanismo, nacionalismo, etc., constituyen el fun-
damento ideológico para impulsar un engranaje de movimientos sociales y favorecer la apertura
hacia una participación ciudadana y alternativa que, naturalmente, se vio exitosa con un crecimiento
del asociacionismo deportivo de todo tipo (Pujadas y Santacana, 2003). Ahora bien, en este nuevo
escenario social eclosionaba un espíritu de catalanidad y ciudadanía, aglutinando un movimiento
participativo y comprometido, que llenaba las calles de actos deportivos, recreativos, culturales y
políticos (Pujadas y Santacana, 1992a, 1995; Torrebadella-Flix, 2000).
También, en esta democratización de la participación ciudadana y alternativa se manifestaron cier-
tos espacios culturales y deportivos de exaltación “feminista” (Justribó, 2014; Real, 1998). Ahora
bien, la capital catalana republicana y autonómica convivió con un espacio de confrontaciones ideo-
lógicas y sociales de alta complejidad. En la Barcelona vanguardista, mediterránea y cosmopolita de
los años treinta, la efervescencia de los acontecimientos en la coyuntura interna española, así como
internacional, marcaban una cierta conflictividad en la vida cotidiana. La tensión social era elevada y,
por consiguiente, surgía la necesidad de encontrar espacios de recreo y de distracción para serenar
los estados anímicos.
En esta coyuntura, el rebrote de la expresión cultural y política del catalanismo, en su deseo de ocu-
par un espacio en el mundo, ya venía de años atrás con la idealización que tenían los representantes
sociales y políticos de la Lliga Regionalista (Santacana, 2014, 2019). El ejemplo más emblemático
era la organización en Barcelona de unos Juegos Olímpicos (Arrechea y Torrebadella-Flix, 2020; Pu-
jadas, 2006). Efectivamente, por encima de todo, la Barcelona de Hans Gamper, Narciso Masferrer y
Sala, Josep García Alsina, Josep Elias i Juncosa o de Antoni Trabal i Sans y de otros tantos destaca-
dos lideres del deporte, deseaba abrirse y abrazar el mundo, eso sí, dando a conocer la singularidad
cultural y nacional del catalanismo (Pujadas y Santacana, 1995; Santacana, 2014; Torrebadella-Flix,
2013).
Puede que la primera referencia que sitúa el fútbol de botones en Catalunya proceda del diario El
Diluvio de Barcelona. En 1925, en un anuncio publicitario del Café Tostadero –de la plaza Universi-
dad, nº 3– se hablaba de la “Inauguración del Fútbol de Salón” (El Diluvio, 20/09/1925, p. 8).
“Venjonbol”: entre el juego y el deporte